The Meaning of the Surname Fuchs

The Meaning of the Surname Fuchs The Fuchs surname means fox, from the Middle High German vuhs, meaning fox. Sometimes used to describe someone with red hair, or someone considered crafty or clever - characteristics attributed to the fox. The name first came into use in the German state of Bavaria. Fox is the English version of this surname. Fuchs is the 42nd most common German surname. Surname Origin:  GermanAlternate Surname Spellings:  FUHS, FUX, FOX Famous People with the Fuchs Surname Bernard Fuchs  - French pilot and WWII heroEduard Fuchs  - Marxist cultural scientistEmil Fuchs -  Ã‚  German theologianErich Fuchs  - English physiologistPeter Paul Fuchs - Austrian-born conductor and composerVivian Fuchs - British geologist and polar explorer Where the Fuchs Surname Is Most Common According to surname distribution from Forebears, the Fuchs surname is most common in Austria, where it ranks as the 11th most common last name in the country. It is also very common in Germany (36th), Switzerland (39th) and  Liechtenstein (72nd). WorldNames PublicProfiler indicates that Fuchs is most widespread in eastern Switzerland, in the Zentralschweiz region, and throughout much of Austria, especially in the Graz and Landeck regions. Surname maps from Verwandt.de indicate the  Fuchs last name is most common in southern Germany, especially in the counties or cities of Munich, Rhein-Neckar-Kreis, Ostalbkreis, Cologne, Passau, Muremberg, Rhein-Sieg-Kreis, and Karlsruhe. Genealogy Resources for the Surname Fuchs Meanings of Common German Surnames: Uncover the meaning of your German last name with this free guide to the meanings and origins of common German surnames.Fuchs  Family Crest - Its Not What You Think: Contrary to what you may hear, there is no such thing as a Fuchs  family crest or coat of arms for the Fuchs surname.  Coats of arms are granted to individuals, not families, and may rightfully be used only by the uninterrupted male-line descendants of the person to whom the coat of arms was originally granted.Fox Y-DNA Surname Project: Individuals with the Fox  surname, and variations such as Fuchs, are invited to participate in this group DNA project in an attempt to learn more about Fox family origins. The website includes information on the project, the research done to date, and instructions on how to participate.FUCHS  Family Genealogy Forum: This free message board is focused on descendants of Fuchs ancestors around the world. Search or browse the archives for posts ab out your Fuchs ancestors, or join the group and post your own Fuchs query. FamilySearch - FUCHS  Genealogy: Explore over 630,000 results from digitized  historical records and lineage-linked family trees related to the Fuchs surname on this free website hosted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.FUCHS  Surname Mailing List: Free mailing list for researchers of the Fuchs surname and its variations includes subscription details and a searchable archives of past messages.DistantCousin.com - FUCHS Genealogy Family History: Explore free databases and genealogy links for the last name Fuchs.GeneaNet - Fuchs  Records: GeneaNet includes archival records, family trees, and other resources for individuals with the Fuchs  surname, with a concentration on records and families from France and other European countries.The Fuchs Genealogy and Family Tree Page: Browse genealogy records and links to genealogical and historical records for individuals with the Fuchs surname from the website of Genealogy Today. References: Surname Meanings Origins Cottle, Basil.  Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1967. Dorward, David.  Scottish Surnames. Collins Celtic (Pocket edition), 1998. Fucilla, Joseph.  Our Italian Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 2003. Hanks, Patrick and Flavia Hodges.  A Dictionary of Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1989. Hanks, Patrick.  Dictionary of American Family Names. Oxford University Press, 2003. Reaney, P.H.  A Dictionary of English Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1997. Smith, Elsdon C.  American Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997. https://www.thoughtco.com/surname-meanings-and-origins-s2-1422408

History and theory in anthropology Essays

History and theory in anthropology Essays History and theory in anthropology Essay History and theory in anthropology Essay and therefore their experiences were seldom documented. Womans were non represented by anthropology, but instead were merely studied in their relation to countries in which males are present, such as within matrimonial exchange. Ardener ( 1975 ) refers to proficient and analytical prejudices present within anthropology, and by bring outing such prejudices it became possible to counter them within ethnographic composing. Technical prejudices within descriptive anthropology were to make with the fact that in many civilizations and societies the adult females present were unable to pass on with the anthropologist. This was normally because they were improbable to talk the linguistic communication of the anthropologist, and besides that any transcriber in the community was likely to be male. Ardener maintained that many ethnographers viewed adult females in a society as unable to pass on even when they were able to talk the same linguistic communication as they giggle when immature , snicker when old, reject the inquiry, laugh at the subject, and the similar ( Ardener 1975:2 ) . It was statements and thoughts such as this which increased the demand for anthropology to be rid of its prejudices if an accurate position of civilization was of all time to be obtained. Ardener s statements of analytical prejudice were based on descriptive anthropologies written after a society had been studied. It was argued that this information would be enormously inaccurate as the theoretical account of the society described was by and large merely a theoretical account based on the male part of the society, intending the females went mostly undocumented ( Ardener 1975:3 ) . Feminist thought uncovered and deconstructed these prejudices intending that they could be countered. It can non be stated that without the Feminist motion such prejudices would non hold surfaced, but it can be said that the Feminist manner of idea enabled these jobs to come to the head of the heads of eth nographers. This meant that future ethnographic fieldwork, particularly that conducted by adult females, would be split much more every bit among the sexes. Additionally, the fact that more adult females felt able to be involved with ethnographic research and composing during, and after, the Feminist motion, meant that these prejudices would go less of an issue as clip progressed. The Feminist motion topographic points importance on countering the premises that adult females are inferior to work forces within society. The prejudices which existed within anthropology had their roots in these premises and thoughts, and therefore feminist anthropologists aimed to turn out adult females s importance. Rosaldo and Lamphere ( 1974 ) addressed why adult females are seen as inferior to work forces among many traditions and civilizations. It is stated that the cultural function of adult females as the female parents and carers of kids topographic points them steadfastly within the domestic sphere. However, work forces are seen as the breadwinners, those people who will work outside of the place and household compound, therefore intending they are associated with the populace sphere. It is because work forces are seen to command the populace sphere that they are viewed as holding a greater degree of authorization and power than adult females, and adult females are frequently undervalued as the bulk of their work takes topographic point within the private domain. This thought is non dissimilar to that put forwards by Ortner ( 1974 ) when she argues that adult females are associated with nature, and work forces with civilization. This is said to be because adult females are closer to natu re as it is them who give birth, and work forces exist outside the place in the populace sphere, tie ining them with civilization. However, these thoughts have been criticised by some, as the thought of domesticity is said to be one which is rooted in Western ideals. Additionally Leacock ( 1978 ) has studied the beginnings of society and later argued that the differentiation between public and private domains did non be among foragers, and as such the subordination of adult females merely came into being with the growing of private belongings ( Leacock 1978 ) . Despite these statements, the thoughts put forwards by Rosaldo and Lamphere and Ortner meant that instead than adult females being seen as less of import within a society, they were started to be studied in their ain infinites. Measuring the importance from within the private domain in which they act intend that adult females s functions were frequently shown to be much more of import than they one time originally thought to hold been. These theories have besides held influence over the manner which adult females are studied and written about within descriptive anthropology, as the subordination of adult females is shown non to be natural . Feminism influenced ethnographic composing insomuch as the thought of interrupting down false individualities and naturalizations was brought to the head of ethnographers heads and research. This societal procedure of legalizing cultural beliefs by presuming that they are natural, and therefore that they are non merely acceptable but besides correct, was challenged by feminism thought. The development of adult females, and to boot the ignoring of adult females within anthropology, was thought to be natural and hence acceptable. However, feminism stressed that societal functions are neer natural, instead they are socially constructed, intending that there is no correct place. This influenced ethnographic authorship as ethnographers sought to include adult females in their surveies, and prejudices within fieldwork were farther uncovered. Additionally, universalism was challenged as instead than the adult females in these societies being considered to be likewise cross-culturally, feminist surveies sought to guarantee that an apprehension of the individualism of these adult females and civilizations was gained. By extinguishing the false individualities which many anthropologists had about people and civilizations, and by disputing the thought that people cross-cultures are likewise in their personalities and experiences it meant that a more thorough position of civilization could be gained. This is non restricted to larning about the adult females in a civilization, as these methods are those which could be, and are, applied to people irrespective of their sex. It is clear that Feminism did non merely impact the manner which adult females are written about in ethnographic authorship, but societies in general. Feminism farther influenced ethnographic authorship in the manner which it challenged Eurocentric thoughts about personhood. Whittaker ( 1994 ) states that western, white, heterosexual males have imposed their worldview onto both adult females, and those who are the topics of ethnographic research. This sort of ethnocentrism which was present in much of early anthropology, doubtless affected ethnographic authorship as an accurate image of a society could non be built up. Feminist thought stressed the importance of seeing a civilization through non through the eyes of the white, in-between category anthropologist, but through the eyes of their topics . This was aided in portion by the fact that these female anthropologists were themselves coming from a different personal point of view. By foregrounding the fact that the ethnocentrism of the white, in-between category anthropologist was impeding and negatively impacting their ethnographic authorship, and endeavoring to counter this , feminism was able to positively lend to the field, and Moore argues that reviews based on challenges to ethnocentrism hold taken anthropology a really long manner ( Moore 1988: 187 ) . Feminism within anthropology moved from being entirely concerned with adult females and adult females s subordination, to concentrating on other affairs such as power dealingss, reflexiveness and the topographic point of the anthropologist within ethnographic fieldwork ( Bernard 2000:139 ) . It can be seen that with the rise of feminist ethnographic composing so excessively was there a rise in the usage of I into ethnographic text. Feminist anthropology did off with the patriarchal objectiveness and androcentric prejudice of earlier anthropology by foregrounding the negative effects of being nonsubjective and impersonal within ethnographic authorship. Whereas in early anthropology it was seen as an improper ethnographic technique to compose reflexively and speak of the personal facets of fieldwork conducted because it was thought to free the field of its objectiveness, the impact of feminism went some manner to alter this. The early tabu sing reflexiveness is demonstrated by the 1954 publication Return to Laughter which was written under the anonym Elenor Smith Bowen due to the fact that it contained personal feelings and narratives. Additionally, a dirt formed when Malinowski s personal fieldwork journals from his clip on the Trobriand fieldwork were discovered and published ( Eriksen and Nielsen 2001:123 ) . The 1970 publication Women in the Field: Anthropological Experiences ( erectile dysfunction. Golde ) was ground-breaking in its reflexiveness and the manner which it contained inside informations of the experiences of adult females in the field and how these experiences have affected the informations collected ( Eriksen and Nielsen 2001:123 ) . Equally good as being influential in its reflexiveness, it besides highlighted how the sex of the anthropologist impacts on the fieldwork and ethnographic authorship. Automatic anthropology came into its ain after the rise of Feminism, and this can non be said to be a happenstance. The fact that Feminism was able to convey about such a major alteration in the manner which ethnographic texts were written shows how influential it was to the field. One of the most of import parts which the Feminist motion made to anthropology, and ethnographic composing more specifically, was that it highlighted the difference between sex and gender . Feminist bookmans stressed the thought that gender individualities are non natural phenomena, and sought to foreground that sex and gender have different significances. Sexual activity being through empirical observation verifiable, cosmopolitan, biological differences between males and females ( Eriksen and Murphy 2003:148 ) and gender being the culturally constructed function which is placed upon people. These thoughts were of peculiar importance to post-structural and post-modern anthropologists and their ethnographic authorship. Lorber examines the thought efficaciously when she states that For human existences there is no indispensable feminineness or masculinity, muliebrity or maleness, muliebrity or manhood, but one time gender is ascribed, the societal order concepts and holds persons to strongly gendered norms and outlooks ( Lorber 1994:5 ) . These thoughts meant the place of adult females within societies was looked at otherwise ; as it was considered that one s biological sex did non needfully find their socially constructed gender. Ideas which were prevalent in Western society at the clip divided societal functions between work forces and adult females, such as the thought that the topographic point of adult females was in the place whereas work forces should be the suppliers for the household. These thoughts were frequently placed upon those societies being studied. This was debatable as Western gender ideals were non needfully mirrored in non-Western civilizations. With the highlighting of differences between sex and gender it became easier for anthropologists to understand this, therefore impacting non merely the manner which fieldwork was conducted, but besides enormously impacting the consequences of the fieldwork. With new thoughts about sex and gender being at the head of anthropologists heads, the reappraisal of past societies could besides be made. Cucchiari ( 1981 ) argued that in early societies there was equality between the sexes and besides a deficiency of gender differentiation. In these societies differentiations were sometimes made between forager and child stamp , but non between male and female ( Cucchiari 1981 ) . While Cucchiari does non claim to be a womens rightist, his positions are of import for the feminist motion. By showing that the gender categorization and the subordination of adult females are non natural it became possible to see past them, and for ethnographic composing to concentrate on the differences in functions within a society instead than the differences in sexes. Whereas early ethnographic texts sometimes focused on the differences between the work forces and adult females s functions within society, Feminist anthropologists have stressed that the division of labor can non be demonstrative of biological differences ; instead it could be that gender differences have been created from this di vision of labor ( Ortner 1978:27 ) . This difference between sex and gender is of import to the ways which adult females are portrayed in ethnographic authorship and besides of import for the manner which societies in general and depicted and understood. Ethnographic texts which have emerged in the ulterior portion of the 20th century have taken these thoughts on board and as such thoughts about sex and gender in different societies have come to visible radiation. Oyew A ; ugrave ; m A ; iacute ; ( 1997 ) conducted fieldwork among the Yoruba people of South-western Nigera and uncovered that these people had no impression of gender until they came into contact with colonialists. Previous to their contact with westerners, the Yoruba people has organised their societal dealingss based on societal facts, non based on biological science. The thought that different functions within a community might be placed on people because of their physical sex was unheard of ( Oyew A ; ugrave ; m A ; iacute ; 1997 ) . This is demonstrative of the manner which Western thoughts are placed upon people, and such a survey may non hold taken topographic point, and the consequences may non hold been understood, if the Feminist motion had non highlighte d the differences between sex and gender. Part of the reappraisal of sex and gender meant that Feminist anthropologists began to see the thought of 3rd genders or the presence of people who might non needfully suit into the classs of male and female . This meant that when carry oning ethnographic research a greater apprehension of societies beliefs could be gained. This can be seen with Astuti s ( 1998 ) survey of the Vezo people, which included a description of the Sarinampela within the society. These people are work forces who are images of adult females and who perform adult females s occupations and follow a female manner of making things , as in this society one s gender develops through the procedure of their actions ( Astuti 1998:40-42 ) . Similarly, Edgerton s ( 1964 ) survey of intersexed people among the Pokot community highlighted that different societies do non needfully keep the Western thoughts of male and female ( Edgerton 1964 ) . The fact that Feminism had highlighted these differences mean t that surveies such as Astuti s and Edgerton s could take topographic point. The realization that sex and gender are two different thoughts meant that more accurate and complete descriptive anthropologies could be written, as instead than ethnographers construing these thoughts through western tinted spectacless and therefore falsifying the true beliefs, the civilizations began to be seen as they really were. It is non merely the reappraisal of thoughts which had been held for some clip which Feminism contributed to ethnographic authorship, but the reappraisal of already printed descriptive anthropologies as good. Feminist anthropologists have used the new methods available to them in order to re-study many of the civilizations which had antecedently been looked at from a really masculinise position. This has meant that a more accurate position of the civilization in inquiry has been achieved, one which is non nonreversible and ethnocentric. This can be seen in the manner which Abu-Lughod ( 1990 ) re-studied Bedouin adult females and found that they frequently resist and defy the ideals placed upon them by work forces. They do this by maintaining secrets between them, smoking in secret, defying arranged matrimonies, mocking work forces, and composing poesy known as ghinnawas in which they express sentiments radically different to those which are considered the norm ( Abu-Lughod 1990: 43-4 6 ) . If this society was studied without adult females organizing a important portion of the research so it could easy be thought that the adult females are low-level to work forces, busying the place while work forces form the populace sphere and command their married womans. Additionally, the reappraisal of ethnographic texts and societies went some manner to alter the positions which were held approximately early societies, non merely the adult females within them, but the society in general. The aggregation Women the Gatherer ( Dahlberg 1981 ) put forwards the thought that in huntsman gatherer societies, adult females who conducted garnering really contributed more to the society than work forces and their hunting. This is said to be because works resources were a more staple signifier of early homo s diet than meat. This was evidently enormously of import for keeping adult females s importance in society, both past and present and therefore besides changed the manner which society and civilization were represented in ethnographic authorship. It has been argued, that in add-on to the theories and thoughts put forwards by feminism and womens rightist anthropologists which have lead to more thorough and accurate ethnographic composing being produced, adult females are really better ethnographers in general. The fact that with the Feminist motion came an addition in the figure of female ethnographers working within the field means that Feminism has influenced ethnographic authorship in legion ways, including enabling fieldwork to be conducted in a better manner. It has been stated that female ethnographers might be treated less suspiciously than males, and may hold entree to a greater figure of countries within a community than male ethnographers who are normally non allowed entree to countries dominated by females. Mead ( 1970 ) agrees that adult females have entree to a wider scope of civilization than male ethnographers do ( Mead 1970: 322 ) , and her work among the adult females of Samoa plays testament to this. Additi onally, Shostak, who conducted ethnographic research among the Kung of the Kalhari desert, stated that she found it easier to discourse with adult females of the folk and analyze their lives than she did with the work forces in the folk. This research finally lead to her publication of Nisa: The Life and Works of a Kung Woman ( 1981 ) . Although it could be argued that adult females might necessitate to take greater safeguards when carry oning fieldwork, it is surely true that if a male wishes to analyze female rites and rites so he will come across more jobs than if a female ethnographer wants to make so. These feminist anthropologists hence contribute a great trade to ethnographic authorship, as without them an full domain of cognition may go through unknown. Although some have commented on the failure of feminist surveies to transform the subjects that form the footing of academic survey ( Barrett 2000, 169 ) , it does non look as though this is the instance with descriptive anthropology and ethnographic texts. Despite the fact that Feminist Anthropology has made its most typical part through showing why an apprehension of gender dealingss must stay cardinal to the analysis of cardinal inquiries in anthropology ( Moore 1988, 195 ) , it can be seen that there are legion other ways in which Feminism has affected anthropology and ethnographic authorship. Feminism changed the place of adult females in the field, both with respects to those being studied within a society, and the ethnographers themselves, by bring outing the prejudices which existed within the field. It besides changed the place of adult females by countering premises held about adult females and those thought to be natural and cosmopolitan. This in bend changed ethnograp hic authorship as non merely were adult females studied more often and more efficaciously, but adult females were carry oning fieldwork more frequently excessively. This re-studying of adult females, by adult females, meant that the consequences in ethnographic authorship were altered for the better. Additionally, Feminism changed ethnographic authorship by presenting new thoughts such as those about sex and gender, and about automatic methodological analysiss, every bit good as arguably carry oning better fieldwork than their male opposite numbers. It is clear that it can non be said that Feminism has non contributed to ethnographic authorship. Bibliography Abu-Lughod, L. ( 1990 ) The Romance of Resistance: Tracing Transformations of Power through Bedouin Women, American Ethnologist 17 ( 1 ) : 41-55 Ardener, E. ( 1975 ) Belief and the job of adult females in S.Ardener ( ed. ) , Perceiving adult females ( 1-17 ) . ( London: Dent ) Bernard ( 2000 ) History and Theory in Anthropology ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ) Briggs, J. ( 1970 ) Never in Anger: Portrayal of an Eskimo Family ( USA: Aldine Publishing ) Cucchiari, S. ( 1981 ) . The gender revolution and the passage from bisexual host to patrilocal set: The beginnings of the gender hierarchy . In S. Ortner and H. Whitehead ( Eds. ) , Sexual significances: The cultural building of gender and gender ( pp.31-79 ) . ( New York: Cambridge University Press ) Edgerton, R.B. ( 1964 ) Pokot Intersexuality: An East African Example of the Resolution of Sexual Incongruity. American Anthropologist, 66:1:1288-1299 Dahlberg, F ( 1981 ) Woman the Gatherer. ( New Haven, CT: Yale University Press ) Eriksen and Nielsen ( 2001 ) A History of Anthropology ( London: Pluto Press ) Eriksen and Murphy ( 2003 ) A History of Anthropological Theory ( Peterborough: Broadview Press ) Friedl, E. ( 1975 ) Women and Men: An Anthropologist s View. ( New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston ) Golde, P. ( 1970 ) Women in the Field: Anthropological Experiences. ( London: University of California Press ) Leacock, E. ( 1978 ) Women s position in classless society: deductions for societal development . Current Anthropology, 19 ( 2 ) : 247-75 Lorber, J. ( 1994 ) Night to His Day: The Social Construction of Gender. In Paradoxes of Gender. ( New Haven, CT: Yale University Press ) Mead, M. ( 1970 ) Fieldwork in the Pacific Islands, 1925-1967 . In P. Golde ( ed. ) Womans in the Field: Anthropological Experiences, pp.293-332. ( London: University of California Press ) Moore, H. L ( 1988 ) Feminism and anthropology ( Cambridge: Polity Press ) Ortner, S. ( 1974 ) Is female to male as nature is to civilization? In M. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere ( explosive detection systems ) , Women, Culture and Society, 67-88. ( Stanford: Stanford University Press ) Oyew A ; ugrave ; m A ; iacute ; , O. ( 1997 ) The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses. ( USA: University of Minnesota Press ) Rosaldo, M. ( 1974 ) Women, civilization and society: a theoretical overview. In Women, Culture and society ( explosive detection systems ) M. Z. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere. ( Stanford: Stanford University Press ) Rosaldo, M. ( 1980 ) Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life. ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ) Whittaker, E. ( 1994 ) Decolonizing Knowledge: Towards a Feminist Ethic and Methodology In H. Johnson and C. Grewal ( explosive detection systems ) East and West: Positions on Canada and India. ( New Delhi: Sage Press )

Critical thinking Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 12

Critical thinking - Essay Example Public schools lack the same rigor that private schools display. Funding is important but that is not the only reason for public schools lagging behind. Some sort of competition with private schools can instill a spirit of enthusiasm and new vision in public schools. It is not correct to say that businesspeople do not do enough for society. Businesspeople not only produce wealth but also they give it back to the society. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, and the Ford Foundation are the glaring examples in the American society of producing wealth and distributing them for the noble cause of education. These foundations work toward the improvement of the school education in poor locality. It is important to bring all nonprofit groups to scrutiny in terms of effectiveness and effectiveness must be measured in terms of students educational achievements. Public schools need to develop clear guidelines and measurement criteria of Students achievements and that is where private schools can help them a lot. This simply means public-private partnership and intensive exchange of ideas between them can improve the conditions of public schools. Adam Smith as the father of modern economics supported the creation of wealth through free-market mechanism (Smith). The large private education foundations are able to support the education system now because they have been able to create huge wealth in their line of business activities. They have created several educational institutions and centers of excellence across the US. Public schools must engage with them in improving their systems and processes so that their students are benefitted. Grants without accountability do not motivate public schools to improve on performance. Bench-mark measurements need to come from private schools and healthy competition with them on certain performance criteria must be encouraged. A school grading system can motivate them to perform better and rewards may be granted when they